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Victoria Kline
March 9, 2005
Seminar in Ethnology
Dr. Pérez

Eric Wolf’s Far Reaching Influence in Anthropology


The book, “Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf” Jane Schneider and Rayna Rapp editors, is a compilation of writings by authors who are indebted to Eric Wolf for the truth that resonated from his teaching and his writings. They were all swayed and inspired by his work to question ethnography against historical accounts to trace the origins of the contemporary situation that common people find themselves in the present. Editor Jane Schneider, a student of Wolf’s, explains the title of the book, “Articulating Hidden Histories,” as being a description of “Wolf’s theoretical orientation” (Schneider 1995: 9).

Eric Wolf influenced each author in some way and all contributed writings to the volume with the intention of honoring him. Schneider also mentions many of the books and essays authored by Wolf, and discusses some of the ways in which he influenced others. Wolf is an ethno historian. In discussing any analysis of culture, he first looks to the historical background of the people. And he is most interested in those marginalized peoples about whom history was not officially written. He takes apart the worldwide system of Capitalism to show how our own system of economics is good for some and bad for others and is unstable as it is built on systems of overextended credit and relies on mass volume of money exchange through the market. Other areas that Eric Wolf was interested in and sought to understand were those of memory, the closed corporate peasant community, mining of historical records for clues to the lives of the less fortunate and undervalued in society.

Key Points

I chose this book because I realized that Eric Wolf had had a great deal of influence in anthropology, in theory and methods of research and writing styles, in debates and on students and readers of his work. As I skimmed through one book by Eric Wolf entitled “Europe and the People Without History” (Wolf 1982) I got an idea of the gist of his arguments: history is made by the literate society, the illiterates had input only via other people who wrote about them. These outside observations were made from a position of one looking down upon the poor peasants and did not take into account how these marginalized peoples were maintaining their lives through transformation diffusion of filtered ideologies or resisting those in power. Eric Wolf’s theoretical paradigms had to do with power, who had it, how it was used to control less powerful or non-powerful peoples, and how those in power managed to marginalize and thereby use people on the periphery to extract labor and resources through tribute or taxation.

I took key points from the individual writings of the volume. Each used Eric Wolf’s paradigms to form arguments about their own subject matter and gave him credit for allowing them to see in a different way the lives of those less fortunate than those who were writing history. The section of the book that I was responsible for was Part IV titled: National Integration and Disintegration.

The key points that I brought up for discussion were what I found to be Eric Wolf’s themes in developing his theoretical paradigms and how those themes were related to each of the readings that I was presenting. These themes included:

  • The world as interconnected and dynamic rather that fixed
  • Peasants and how they are integrated into modern society
  • Rejection of the notion of isolated, pristine societies, there is contact and diffusion in even the most remote societies
  • History as Eurocentric with Other hidden histories that must be teased out
  • Peasant communities as constantly transforming and not homogeneous or static (or noble)
  • In the introductory chapter of the book, Schneider says that Wolf’s purpose was to “illuminate historical processes not identify fixed categories” (1995: 14), which would again show the transformative, dynamic, adaptive nature of culture rather that using the base concepts of historical particularism which viewed each culture as unique and not comparable to others
  • Hegemony of certain social groups (Schneider 1995: 10) over others and how hegemony is resisted

I asked if there were any themes that I had left out, and Jamie added Intersections as a main theme propounded by Wolf, intersections of culture and history, elite and commoner, peasant and capitalism, etc.

Conscious Resistance

The disintegration of regional control over resources and power in Chachapoyas and other regions of Peru, resolved into the state assuming control over resources and power in order to wrest unequal control over resources and power from the controlling elite class. This resulted in further changes regionally, so that power and control was distributed more equitably in the eyes of the commoners. Power was then returned regionally, so now there is a situation of indirect control through the state. In David Nugent’s “Structuring the Consciousness of Resistance,” Nugent argues that “the massive expansion of North Atlantic capital into Peru toward the end of the nineteenth century initiated a process of social transformation and state centralization that brought an end to the caudillo politics that had dominated the nineteenth century” (Nugent 1995: 210). The centralized state government extended its control over regions to weaken control that the “regional elites exercised over local resources” (Nugent 1995: 210) taking away privileges and control of the elite classes regionally while simultaneously bringing lower class groups into the sphere of influence of the state. Economic and political forces outside the regional divisions in Peru were operating to aid in the transformation from regional control of elites to state control to the benefit of the lesser economic groups at that time.

Nugent’s essay shows the transformation of state power, and transformation of the region of Chachapoyas, Peru as non-static as subscribed by Eric Wolf. Also, Nugent shows the transformation of governing power and control as it happened between the region of Chachapoyas and the central state government of Peru. Before the centralization of state power in the 1930s, “a local, landed elite assumed responsibility for most tributary functions and the state for relatively few” (Nugent 1995: 211). Tributary – meaning that the local elites controlled the production and extraction of goods for the regional areas and that the state had little to do with this. In the 1930s a protest by local underlings to the state about what was happening in the region in this regard led to the state taking over control of regions including Chachapoyos. This was in order to wrest control from the elites and make things more even in distribution. Since that time the state is now able to relinquish control back to the regional level as the inhabitants are on more equal footing or the upper class grip has been softened enough and the regional groups work together for the betterment of the community rather that being segregated across class lines.

In class discussion of this chapter, it was pointed out by Dr. Pérez, that the region continues to operate on class distinction and the domination of the elite class. The marginalized classes are simply ingratiating themselves to the elite class at this time. In reference to this aside, we also talked about the difference between paying tribute and paying tax – tribute being voluntary, and levied on the group as a portion of total production, whereas a tax is an individual obligation that is required to maintain individual place in a society. Raven added that the author may have been making an ironic statement in a passage that she read:

The only way that a local populace, as a moral community, could justify using force to oppose the state, however, was to transform force from ‘coersion’ into ‘public will’—to organize its resistance according to the very egalitarian, consensual principles that it insisted the state had violated (224).  

The Transforming State

The rapid deterioration of the socialist Romanian state transformed the way people have access to goods and services. This ethnography by Katherine Verdery is about the redistribution of power, about the transformation of the state, and the fluidity of culture in that the adaptations made for changing political circumstances vary widely. The end of socialism in Romania has been the cause of rapid transformation in many sectors. In “Toward an Ethnography of a Transforming State: Romania” author looks to state as “the object of ethnographic inquiry” (Verdery 1995: 228) in accordance with the theoretical paradigms of Eric Wolf. The focus of this article is the show how some of the changes have occurred in the state of Romania and in what contexts. One area Verdery focuses on is that of the privatization of property that has been held in common by the state. With the end of the socialist state structure, many of the wealthier Romanians were in a position to grab up properties and buildings that the state was unable to retain.

Some of Romania’s citizens were able to gain a foothold to amassing wealth, while others have resorted to other avenues such as: An expanding “second economy” growing out of private enterprise shows the “consequences of privatization and reform” (Verdery 1995: 235). This second economy that Verdery refers to is economic activity carried on outside a normal job, using time or equipment from that job, or being involved in the black market. These activities were ongoing during the existing socialist state, and depended on the state to endure. With the fall of socialism, some of these avenues of income generating are no longer available, but others such as private taxi service that only requires ownership of a car, or second-hand stores that require some capital and connections, or the decollectivization of agricultural lands that has allowed redistribution of these lands formerly held by the state have all provided opportunities for some to make a living without the subsidies of the state or employment in a job in the usual sense (they are self employed). However, the reliance on the assistance and subsidies by the state, have left many people unable to fathom life without these subsidies.

“Given that prior capital accumulation outside the state was almost non-existent under socialism” (Verdery 1995: 233) the states wealth and breaking down the states wealth is the only source of capital available to those within the confines of the state of Romania.
It is the redistribution of these agricultural lands that Verdery spends the last third of the essay discussing. And there seems to be problems in the area of redistribution of lands as some lands were put into collective farms while other lands were put under the authority of the state. The collectively held lands were redistributed while the state held lands are not being redistributed and that these past owners will get nothing back. There are all kinds of huge complicated problems related to these redistributions.

Eric Wolf’s writings helped Verdery to write an ethnography of the state and state power in that his writings enhance “the possibilities for an ethnography of the state”…“Wolf has built his corpus around an inquiry into the nature of public power” (Verdery 1995: 228) and the public power of the socialized state and its transformation is what this chapter is about.

Agency in Culture

Pamela Wright in “The Timely Significance of Supernatural Mothers and Exemplary Daughters” tells about an event of a traditional beauty pageant for Garifuna Indians in Belize. The young girls that engage in this competition are not judged on physical beauty but on education and indigenous knowledge, which they demonstrate in front of a panel of judges and audience. These young women, if speaking in the indigenous language of Garifuna, must usually memorize their answers, as the language is not the first language of the young people anymore, English is. There is transformation to the contest in that the contest can now be won by an English speaker, contest limited to Garifuna. The Garifuna of Belize are defining their own national culture partially through the participation and involvement in a beauty contest, and that the shift to English as the first language will transform the tradition of the pagaent into a “new nationalized form of ethnicity” (Wright 1995: 246).

For class discussion I asked if part of Wolf’s argument or theses is that there is no traditional culture? That all culture is in a constant state of evolution and therefore that tradition as we think of it, timeless, static, dependable, cannot exist? Dr. Pérez agreed that that was true. Since culture is in a constant state of flux, tradition that is invoked is a memory of something that is at the very least, fleeting, and a construct that is agreed upon in the present. Scott brought up the historicity of Wolf’s methods. He asked what point does metonym become detrimental to your work [as an anthropologist]?

The dance that the girls in the pageant engage in became a topic of discussion. That they know the traditional meaning of the dance is insignificant according to Dr. Pérez, they are engaged in an ethnic statement. Old meanings of the dance do not matter; it is the fact that the young girls wish to participate that is important. There is new meaning for the dance as it has transformed it the same way as the ritual of the pageant.   

Construction of National Identity

Swedish loyalty was brought under control by the Swedish government through a campaign to remake a new Swedish national identity. In the essay “Being a Good Swede: National Identity as a Cultural Battleground” author Orvar Lofgren (1995) told about the emigration of Swedish citizens mainly to America in the early 1900s being cause for the Swedish government to become alarmed at the loss of their human resources. The government needed to figure out how to retain the citizens it was loosing. So, they carried out surveys in order to discern the reasons for such a mass exodus. When the data was gathered, they changed some of their power politics and began a campaign to create the ideal Swede that coincided with the opening of the first Swedish national park. A new model of Swedes as nature loving, nature walking, happily singing health nuts was actively promoted. The Swede as we know him today is a construct of the state, created through its campaign to retain citizens from leaving the country for good, by formulating a national identity that the people would grab on to, relate to, and aspire to become. 

I asked, how do we know how we are not being manipulated by the state? Everyone agreed that we are. Yoshi commented that he thought the US national identity was more visible than the Swedish national identity. There was a lot of discussion about national identity at that point that ranged from ties to a homeland, to witch hunts for patriotic duty. Jamie asked Yoshi if everyone he met was a nationalist. Yoshi responded that having symbols of nationalism on your car would be unacceptable where he comes from (Okinowa, Japan?). Anthony thought that we do not have a deep history here in the US so perhaps we must create nationalism fast and therefore have these plastic symbols to place on our material possessions that can be paraded around visibly. It was added that post-Depression and the World Wars coincided with this extreme US nationalism.
The Wolfian theoretical paradigms that are used within this essay have to do with the disintegration of the Swedish state that had begun though emigration in mass numbers. Then, the reintegration as was fashioned by the Swedish government campaign for a new Swedish national identity.

Evolution of Collective Peace

Peace rather than war should be the focus of anthropological studies based on the theories of Eric Wolf and the teachings of Mahatma Ghandi. Richard G. Fox, in “Cultural Dis-Integration and the Invention of New Peace-Fares,” attempts an anthropological study of the evolution of a collective peace movement. He says that it has not been studied to the degree that war and its many manifestations have. He refers to an article by Wolf written in 1987 “Cycles of Violence: the Anthropology of War and Peace” where war is an “innovation of destructiveness” and that these innovations of war are the product of  “major transformations in the modes of production, as cultures evolve from kin-based to tributary and then to capitalist modes” (Fox 1995: 275). And, Fox adds that Wolf stated in the same article that it should be possible to innovate peace in the same way in similar conditions.

Fox’s approach is to relate the teachings of Ghandi, to the pursuit of peace and show how one man made a difference but not without struggle within himself and therefore a transformation. Ghandi may have had the right idea, and gave huge numbers of people reason to control their violent tendencies for a while.

Ghandi was able to author a nonviolent form of protest that resonated with so many people and yet was also deconstructed and reorganized by many to fit their own paradigms. Ghandi even challenged his own teachings and through the experiences of life, deconstructed, and reconstructed his message and teachings. He used a method (developed himself) that he called satyagraha, a “spiritual weight training” (Fox 1995: 279) to protest nonviolently, but actively, and confrontationally, the presence of the English colonial power in India.

There was an evolution to Ghandi’s non-violent protest from non-coercive nonviolence, to active passive resistance, to humanitarian ahimsa (Hindu concept of non-killing)(Fox 1995: 280-284). Fox’s argument is to “show that culture is constantly being dis-integrated and reintegrated as individuals and groups confront their social worlds and try to (re)form them” (Fox 1995: 277). Culture, he says, is authored/constructed, dis-integrated/deconstructed, and reintegrated/reconstructed into new forms on a continual basis, and this is congruent with the teachings of Eric Wolf. 

Themes that relate to the teachings of Eric Wolf in this chapter include: that culture is authored or constructed, disintegrated and reconstructed, and reintegrated or reconstructed continually. Transformation is the crux of how culture forms according to Wolf, plastically and non-statically. Peace as an alternative to war and a reversal of the power structure in the non-violent protest of Ghandi and his followers is also a theme that Wolf embraced. Wolf was one of the instigators in leading student protest against the Vietnam War and that had to be in the early 1960s.

Personal characteristics of most individuals would seem to prove this impossible.
Ghandi himself had to struggle to maintain control over his temper. It seems like it is natural for humans to desire power and seek ways to get it by overpowering someone else on the individual level. The author says that peace is an option, that we all have the ability for this self-control within us. I found this hard to apply universally.

The evidence for my position is that Ghandi had a vision; something he was opposing through his actions and it was not just for himself. I would say that the most difficult thing for a normal individual would be for him to think past his own situation. That is a requirement for the mode of opposition that was espoused by Ghandi. This level of self-control is desirable, but not broadly applicable at this time but perhaps something to aspire to or to evolve into.

Politics in Cultural Identity

Edwin N. Wilmsen (1995), in writing “Who Were the Bushmen?” shows how the ethnic identity and the status of different ethnic groups of Bushmen in South Africa are a product of Colonialism. There are many tribes of Bushmen in South Africa, many speaking unintelligible languages, and they were lumped together under Colonial rule. The different groups have arranged themselves hierarchically, but now those in lower positions in the hierarchy would like to establish their individual ethnic identities away from the others. This is an essay about Colonialism and its effect on the status and acknowledgement of Bushman ethnic groups.

Recovering History

The status of the Virgin Mary and Eve in the female culture of on Equadorian tribe – the Napo Quichua – is of one of power of femininity in Blanca M. Muratorio’s essay “Amazonian Windows to the Past” (1995). The men of the Napo Quichua do not share the women’s visions on this. This raising of the Virgin Mary and Marianismo to that of the devoted mother, caring mother, mother that is near shaman in skill, able to pass on her power to her children, yet enduring great deprivation and disrespect in her life describes the ideal woman of the Napo Quichua.

Within this social setting, author Muratorio examines the dialogue between three Napo Quichua women to find in the discourse about how the women of this Equadorian town embrace the idea of Marianismo and how they reject ideas put forth in the Catholic sermons they listen to. And how the Virgin Mary and Eve have been absorbed into the indigenous religious pantheon, replacing them in name but not in essence.

This shows the resistance to those in power by the indigenes, especially the placement of women in the least position of power to gain support for themselves through the ideals that are created through the use of these icons of Mary and Eve.

New Economy, Neo Culture

In the last excellent essay of the book “Ethnic Segmentation of the Labor Market and the ‘Work Site Animal’,” author Gustavo Lins Ribeiro (1995) has studied the high skilled employment stints of large projects that are at once exceptionally well paid, isolated, and temporary. The skilled workers on world-class projects are given many incentives to work away from country for limited lengths (up to 10 years) of time. They may bring their families or begin a new marriage within the company compound, or marry someone from the country in which the project takes place. Ribeiro discusses the changes these expatriates undergo in relation to identity and also related instances where upon returning to the home country, the large project skilled worker could not even recognize the culture he left, nor reintegrate with it and returned to another large project. Everything is taken care of by General Services says Ribeiro, with all housing and recreation facilities being very much homogeneous, no matter what country the project is in, so even though temporary roots of employment are put down in one country on a project, the uprooting and move to new project quarters and situations does not change visually too much. The project becomes home, ethnic identity becomes isolated to those social contacts within projects. As bad as this sounds, Ribeiro had many examples of multiple generations of wage earners being employed by large project corporations. People living on projects end up identifying place to the project space. Some managers wield such power as leading several hundred men in their tasks, this may add to the allure of life in the projects. I loved this one as much as a good science fiction novel. We are made aware of the extreme plasticity of human culture and in relation to Eric Wolf’s theories, that culture is ever changing and dynamic.   

Distinct cultures are formed within these grand projects by highly skilled workers who are encapsulated in company maintained mini-towns when they work on large scale projects that last several years and are based in remote areas (example given is dam projects). Since contact with the outside is fairly limited because of remoteness, and the company provides so much in the way of wages, and services, and they also are provided housing, there is little to spend their money on and they are able to save and invest in their respective home countries. The multiethnic population tends to divide by ethnic lines. One of my questions about this article was: One would think that the company would promote cross-cultural interaction and the company does seem to have the ability to mold any type of relations that it desired  (the company is in the position of nation builder). Could it be in the best interest of productivity that they do not, and instead invest in keeping their workers happy the way they desire? Or is this a construct of the company also? 

Three Reviews of Articulating Hidden Histories

I have found three reviews, which I will review! The first is by Dwight B. Heath (1996) who gives a glowing review of the book. He calls the book a “Festschrift” which means that the volume was written as a tribute to the scholar Eric R. Wolf. With this in mind, I venture to guess that these scholarly authors, who wrote their essays and then contributed them to a pool of essays, did not gather to criticize or contest each other’s essays, but to embrace the writings of the other authors and celebrate in the knowledge of knowing the late anthropologist Eric Wolf or being influenced positively through his writings. The authors submitted their essays into a common pool, and read and discussed the writings and ideas contributed by the other authors, but in the spirit of common reverence for the great man Eric Wolf. In comparison to other volumes written in tribute to other scholarly authors, Heath writes, we have a solid demonstration by one man who ‘loves facts’ and brings a self-consciously comparative perspective to the examination of social groupings, their relationships, and the links between those relationships and other cultural processes (1996: 332)

The second review is by Claudio Lomnitz (1996) who writes another glowing testimonial. He says, “each author has put forth original and significant work for this homage” (148), and that all the essays deserve attention from the reader be they anthropologists or general readers. Lomnitz refers to the volume as a compilation of pieces that “directly apply Wolf’s ideas to various contexts and, much more generally, show the extent, fertility, and intensity of Eric Wolf’s influence on a number of scholars” (148), and refers to Eric Wolf’s intellect as encyclopedic.

The third review, by Carol A. Smith (1997), compares two books: one “Articulating Hidden Histories,” the other “Reconceptualizing the Peasantry” by Michael Kearney. The reviews of both are fairly breathtaking, glowing, and in trying to separate and deconstruct the review, it is evident that Kearney makes reference to the Eric Wolf’s work “throughout the book, always with the greatest respect” (Smith 1997: 381). So here is another author referencing Eric Wolf’s work and paying tribute to and praising it within his writings. However, I will concentrate on the review that was given of the Schneider volume.

Carol Smith says the essays in the Schneider volume are “mostly excellent” (1997: 381) but does not say which are not excellent. Instead she has favorite essays within the volume and those she lists as Schneider, Fox, Verdery, Vincent, Wright, and Muratorio. Wright and Muratoria, she says, “treat issues of gender” a topic that Wolf did not contribute to in a major way, but he did write an “essay on Mexico’s Virgin of Guadalupe” which Carol says is a first attempt at analyzing “how nationalist ideologies of modern nation states are constructed” (Smith 1997: 382). Smith briefly describes each of the six favorite essays ending with Schneider’s about which she says, ”provides a masterful analysis of Wolf’s analytic strategies in a careful and thoroughly documented essay that will be an important source to future historians of anthropology” (Smith 1997: 382).      

Methodological Framework

The methodological framework that would result from using a framework of Eric Wolf’s theoretical paradigms: the methodology would consist of direct ethnography in the area, and a complete combing of the historical writings, a complete grasp of history and how the history of interactions made the history of the present situation possible. Wolf asked why the present situation has come about for those in lesser positions of power and why the system maintains itself. And part of those answers he teases out of written history and oral histories.

We get a good idea of the methodological framework that would result from the words of Eric Wolf in the introduction to Articulating Hidden Histories by Jane Schneider. The researcher would view the research area as “affected by, and affecting, wider proves, the historical unfolding of which must” (Schneider 1995: 9) be understood. Further, Wolf advises, according to Schneider, that the anthropologist learn much about the evolution of a particular culture by delving into the “local histories if those histories are charted in relation to the large-scale transformations” of the past, in order to find out about “what happened in their research site during times if tributary and mercantile expansion” (Schneider 1995: 9). In other words to take the history into account, the methodology would require extensive historical research as well as participant interviews, observations, and discourses. “Wolf’s method is not just historical; it is also self-consciously comparative” (10). Schneider goes on to say that once the ethnography has been done with its historical component complete, the researcher must then compare his findings with other locales comparing observed occurrences with those in similar situations. Here is an example of the way a research problem was approached by Wolf and Cole in 1974 in relation to the comparison of locales: “The authors trace[d] the interactions over several centuries between each village and its wider economic, political, and ideological field” (Schneider 1995: 11).


Eric Wolf was an extremely influential teacher and theorist in anthropology. His methods and theory were the results of his own historical background. Concentrating on his education, his main influence in developing ideas was his mentor Julian Steward, who approached his subject from a cultural materialist/cultural ecologist perspective, but Steward was more of a divisionist, creating categories to cross reference cultural parts seeing culture as restrained by environmental limitations, and adaptation to those limitations as producing culture. Julian Steward had been a student of Franz Boas, a historical particularist which viewed culture as the product of its own particular history, unique and not comparable to other cultures. From this background, Eric Wolf expanded the approach of cultural materialism with an emphasis on political economy taking into account all historical processes leading to the present. As a material realist, Wolf believed in taking a comprehensive view of culture at the local level expounding on it back into history then forward to the present. His microanalyses formed the foundation for the macro analysis. To Wolf, societies are heterogeneous and the results of the processes of contact and diffusion over time. So the construction, deconstruction, and restructuring of society is a continual process that precludes anything that could be called traditional. Tradition is fleeting.            

Sources Cited

Fox, Richard G.
1995  Cultural Dis-Integration and the Invention of New Peace-Fares. In Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Jane Schneider and Rayna Rapp eds. Berkeley: University of California Press. 275-287.

Heath, Dwight B.
1996  Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf.
Ethnohistory, Vol. 43, No. 2 (Spring, 1996), 331-333.

Kearney, Michael
1996  Reconceptualizing the Peasantry: Anthropology in Global Perspective. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Löfgren, Orvar
1995  Being A Good Swede: National Identity as a Cultural Battleground. In Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Jane Schneider and Rayna Rapp eds. Berkeley: University of California Press. 262-274.

Lomnitz, Claudio
1996  Articulation Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. American Ethnologist, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Feb. 1996), 147-148.

Muratorio, Blanca M.
1995  Amazonian Windows to the Past: Recovering Women’s Histories from the Equadorean Upper Amazon. In Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Jane Schneider and Rayna Rapp eds. Berkeley: University of California Press. 322-335.

Nugent, David
1995  Structuring the Consciousness of Resistance: State Power, Regional Conflict, and Political Culture in Contemporary Peru. In Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Jane Schneider and Rayna Rapp eds. Berkeley: University of California Press. 207-227.

Ribeiro, Gustavo Lins
1995  Ethnic Segmentation of the Labor Market and the “Work Site Animal”: Fragmentation and Reconstruction of Identities within the World System. In Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Jane Schneider and Rayna Rapp eds. Berkeley: University of California Press. 336-350.

Schneider, Jane
1995  Introduction: The Analytic Strategies of Eric R. Wolf. In Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Jane Schneider and Rayna Rapp eds. Berkeley: University of California Press. 3-30.

Schneider, Jane, and Rayna Rapp eds.
1995  Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Smith, Carol A.
1997  Reconceptualizing “Wolfian” Anthropology and the Peasantry. American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 99, No. 2 (Jun. 1997), 381-383.

Verdery, Katherine
1995  Notes Toward an Ethnography of a Transforming State: Romania. In Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Jane Schneider and Rayna Rapp eds. Berkeley: University of California Press. 228-242.

Wilmsen, Edwin N.
1995  Who Were the Bushmen? Historical Process in the Creation of an Ethnic Construct. In Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Jane Schneider and Rayna Rapp eds. Berkeley: University of California Press. 308-321.

Wolf, Eric R.
1982  Europe and the People Without History. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Wright, Pamela
1995  The Timely Significance of Supernatural Mothers and Exemplary Daughters: The Metonymy of Identity in History. In Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Jane Schneider and Rayna Rapp eds. Berkeley: University of California Press. 243-261.

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